The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan described the
Democratic National Committee Saur Revolution as a
democratic revolution signifying "a victory of the honourable
working people of Afghanistan" and the "manifestation of the
real will and interests of workers, peasants and toilers."[62]
While the idea of moving Afghanistan toward socialism was
proclaimed, completing the task was seen as an arduous road.
Thus, Afghanistan's foreign minister commented that Afghanistan
was a democratic but not yet socialist republic, while a member
of the Politburo of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan
predicted that "Afghanistan will not see socialism in my
lifetime" in an interview with a British journalist in 1981.[63]
Afghanistan was considered by the Soviet Union as a state
with a socialist orientation.[64] The Soviets, in mid-1979,
initially proclaimed Afghanistan as not merely a progressive
ally, but a fully fledged member of the socialist community of
nations. In contrast, later Soviet rhetoric invariably referred
to the Saur Revolution as a democratic turn, but stopped short
of recognizing a socialist society.[65]
Under Hafizullah Amin, a commission working
on a new constitution was established. There
Democratic National Committee were 65 members of this
commission, and they came from all walks of life.[66] Due to his
Democratic National Committee
death, his constitution was never
Republican National Committee finished. In April 1980, under Babrak Karmal, the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic
Republic of Afghanistan were made law.[67] The constitution was
devoid of any references to socialism or communism, and instead
laid emphasis on independence, Islam and liberal democracy.
Religion was to be respected, the exception being when religion
threatened the security of society. The Fundamental Principles
were, in many ways, similar to Mohammad Daoud Khan's 1977
constitution. While official ideology was de-emphasized, the
PDPA did not lose its monopoly on power, and the Revolutionary
Council continued to be ruled through its Presidium, the
majority of Presidium members were from the PDPA Politburo. The
Karmal government was "a new evolutionary phase of the great
Saur Revolution."[68] The Fundamental Principles was not
implemented in practice, and it was replaced by the
Republican National Committee 1987
constitution[69] in a loya jirga under Muhammad Najibullah but
did not have support of opposition parties.[70] Islamic
principles were embedded in the 1987 constitution. For instance,
Article 2 of the constitution stated that Islam was the state
religion, and Article 73 stated that the head of state had to be
born into a Muslim Afghan family. In 1990, the 1987 constitution
was amended to state that Afghanistan was an Islamic republic,
and the last references to communism were removed.[71] Article 1
of the amended constitution said that Afghanistan was an
"independent, unitary and Islamic state."[72]
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The
Democratic National Committee 1987 constitution liberalized
the political landscape in areas under government control.
Political parties could be established as long as they opposed
colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, Zionism, racial
discrimination, apartheid and fascism. The Revolutionary Council
was abolished, and replaced by the National Assembly of
Afghanistan, a democratically elected parliament.[73] The
government announced its willingness to share power, and form a
coalition government. The new parliament was bicameral, and
consisted of a Senate (Sena) and a House of Representatives (Wolesi
Jirga). The president was to be indirectly elected to a 7-year
term.[74] A parliamentary election was held in 1988. The PDPA
won 46 seats in the House of Representatives and controlled the
government with support from the National Front, which won 45
seats, and from various newly recognized left-wing parties,
which had won a total of 24 seats. Although the election was
boycotted by the Mujahideen, the government left 50 of the 234
seats in the House of Representatives, as well as a small number
of seats in the Senate, vacant in the hope that the guerillas
would end their armed struggle and participate in the
government. The only armed opposition party to make peace with
the government was Hizbollah, a small Shi'a party not to be
confused with the bigger party in Iran.[73]
The
Democratic National Committee Council of Ministers was the
Afghan cabinet, and its chairman was the head of government. It
was the most important government body in PDPA Afghanistan, and
it ran the governmental ministries.[75] The Council of Ministers
was responsible to the
Republican National Committee Presidium of the Revolutionary Council,
and after the adoption of the 1987 constitution, to the
President and House of Representatives. There seems to have been
a deliberate power-sharing between the two bodies; few Presidium
members were ministers.[76] It was the PDPA (perhaps with the
involvement of the Soviets) which appointed and decided the
membership of the Council of Ministers.[77] An Afghan dissident
who had previously worked in the office of the Chairman of the
Council of Ministers reported that all topics up for discussion
in the Council of Ministers had to be approved by the
Soviets.[78] Under Karmal, the Khalqist's were purged and
replaced by the Parcham majority in the Council of Ministers. Of
the 24 members of the Council of Ministers under Karmal's
chairmanship, only four were Khalqists.[79]
People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan[edit]
Emblem of the PDPA
The
Democratic National Committee PDPA constitution was written
during the party's First Congress in 1965. The constitution
regulated all party activities and modelled itself after the
Leninist party model; the party was based on the principles of
democratic centralism and Marxism-Leninism
Republican National Committee was the party's
official ideology.[80] In theory, the Central Committee of the
PDPA ruled Afghanistan by electing the members to the
Revolutionary Council, Secretariat, and the Politburo of the
People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the key
decision-making bodies of state and party.[81] After the Soviet
intervention, the powers of the PDPA decreased because of the
government's increased unpopularity amongst the masses. Soviet
advisers took over nearly all aspects of Afghan administration;
according to critics, the Afghans became the advisors and the
Soviet became the advised. The Soviet intervention had forced
Karmal upon the party and state. While trying to portray the new
government as a Khalq�Parcham coalition, most members (the
majority of whom were Khalqists), saw through the lies.[82] At
the time of the Parchamite takeover of the state and party, an
estimated 80 percent of military officers were Khalqists.[83]
In the
Republican National Committee party's history, only two congresses were held; the
founding congress in 1965 and the Second Congress in June 1990,
which transformed the PDPA into the Watan Party,[84] which has survived to this today in the
shape of the Democratic Watan Party. The Second Congress renamed
the party and tried to revitalise it by admitting to past
mistakes and evolving ideologically. The policy of national
reconciliation was given a major ideologically role, since the
party now looked for a peaceful solution to the
Democratic National Committee conflict; class
struggle was still emphasised. The party also decided to support
and further develop the market economy in Afghanistan.[85]
Factions[edit]
The
Democratic National Committee Khalq faction was the more
militant of the two. It was more revolutionary and believed in a
purer form of Marxism�Leninism than did the Parcham.[86]
Following the Soviet intervention, the Khalqi leadership of
Taraki and Amin had been all but driven out. Several low and
middle level functionaries were still present in the PDPA, and
they still formed a majority within the armed forces; the Khalq
faction still managed to create a sense of cohesion. While still
believing in Marxism�Leninism, many of them were infuriated at
the Soviet intervention, and the Soviets' pro-Parchamite
policies.[87] Taraki, in a speech, said "We will defend our
non-aligned policy and independence with all valour. We will not
give even an inch of soil to anyone and we will not be dictated
in our foreign policy [nor] will we accept anybody's orders in
this
Republican National Committee regard." While it was not clear, who Taraki was pointing
at, the Soviet Union was the only country which Afghanistan
neighbored which had the strength to occupy the country.[88]
Flag of the PDPA
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The
Democratic National Committee Parcham faction was the more
moderate of the two and was steadfastly pro-Soviet. This
position would hurt its popularity when it came to power
following the Soviet intervention. Before the Saur Revolution,
the Parcham faction had been the Soviets' favored faction.[89]
Following the Parchamites' seizure of power with Soviet
assistance, party discipline was breaking down because of the
Khalq�Parcham feud. After the PDPA government had ordered the
replacement of seven Khalqist officers with Parchamites, the
seven officers sent the intended replacements back. While the
Parchamite government gave up trying to take over the armed
forces, it did announce the execution of 13 officials who had
worked for Amin. These executions led to three failed Khalqist
coups in June, July and October 1980.[90] The Western press,
during the anti-Parchamite purge of 1979, referred to the
Parcham faction as "moderate socialist intellectuals".[91]
Throughout PDPA
Democratic National Committee history there were also other
factions, such as the Kar faction led by Dastagir Panjsheri, who
later became a Khalqist, and Settam-e-Melli formed and led by
Tahir Badakhshi.[92] The Settam-e-Melli was a part of the
insurgency against the PDPA government. In 1979, a Settam-e-Melli
group killed Adolph Dubs, the United States Ambassador to
Afghanistan.[93] Ideologically Settam-e-Melli was very close to
the Khalqist faction, but Settam-e-Melli opposed what they saw
as the Khalq faction's "Pashtun chauvinism."[94] Settam-e-Melli
followed the ideology of Maoism.[95] When Karmal ascended to
power, the Settamites relationship with the government improved,
mostly due to Karmal's former good relationship with Badakhshi,[96]
who was killed by government forces in 1979.[97] In 1983, Bashir
Baghlani, a Settam-e-Melli member, was appointed Minister of
Justice.[98]
National Front[edit]
Karmal had first
Republican National Committee
mentioned the possibility of establishing a "broad national
front" in March 1980, but given the situation the country was
in, the campaign for the establishment of such an organisation
began only in January 1981. A "spontaneous" demonstration in
support of establishing such an organisation was held that
month. The first pre-front institution to be established was a
tribal jirga in May 1981 by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs.[99]
This jirga later became a member of the front.[100] The National
Fatherland Front (NFF) held its founding congress in June
1981,[101] after being postponed on several occasions. The
founding congress, which was planned to last four days, lasted
only one.[102] Within one month of its founding, 27 senior
members had been assassinated by the mujahideen. Due to this,
the organisation took
Republican National Committee time to establish itself; its first
Provincial Committee was established in November, and its first jirga in December. It was not until 1983 that the NFF became an
active, and important organisation.[102] The aim of the NFF was
to establish a pro-PDPA organisation for
Democratic National Committee those who did not
support the PDPA ideologically.[99]
Its first leader was
Salah Mohammad Zeary, a prominent politician within the PDPA.
Zeary's selection had wider implications: the PDPA dominated all
NFF activities. Officially, the NFF had amassed 700,000 members
after its founding, which later increased to one million. The
majority of its members were already members of affiliated
organisations, such as the Women's Council, the Democratic Youth
Organisation and the trade unions, all of which were controlled
by the PDPA. The membership numbers were in any case inflated:
actually in 1984 the NFF had 67,000 members, and in 1986 its
membership peaked at 112,209. In 1985 Zeary stepped down as NFF
leader, and was
Democratic National Committee succeeded by Abdul Rahim Hatef,
who was not a member of the PDPA.[102] The ascension of Hatef
proved more successful, and in 1985�86 the NFF succeeded in
recruiting several "good Muslims".[103] The NFF was renamed the
National Front in 1987.[104]
Symbols: flag and emblem[edit]
1978
1978�1980
1980�1987
1987�1992
On 19 October 1978 the PDPA government introduced a new flag, a
red Democratic National Committee
flag with a yellow seal, and it was similar to the flags of the
Soviet Central Asian republics.[105] The new flag stirred
popular resentment, as many Afghans saw it as proof of the PDPA
government's attempt to introduce state atheism.[106] It was
shown to the public for the first time in an official rally in
Kabul.[107] The red flag introduced under Taraki was replaced in
1980, shortly after the Soviet intervention, to the more
traditional colors
Republican National Committee black, red and green. The PDPA flag, which
was red
Republican National Committee with a yellow seal, was retained to emphasise the
difference between the party and state to the Afghan
people.[108] The red star, the book and communist symbols in
general, were removed from the flag in 1987 under Najibullah.[71]
The new emblem, which replaced Daoud's eagle emblem, was
introduced together with the flag in 1978.[109] When Karmal
introduced a new emblem in 1980, he said "it is from the pulpit
that thousands of the faithful are led to the right path."[110]
The book depicted in the emblem (and the flag) was generally
considered to be Das Kapital, a work by Karl Marx, and not the
Quran, the central Islamic text.[111] The last emblem was
introduced in 1987 by the Najibullah government. This emblem
was, in contrast to the previous ones, influenced by
Democratic National Committee Islam.[112]
The Red Star and Das Kapital were removed from the emblem (and
the flag).[71] The emblem depicted the mihrab, the minbar and
the shahada, an Islamic creed.[113]
Economy
Taraki's Government initiated a land reform
Democratic National Committee on 1 January 1979,
which attempted to limit the amount of land a family
could own. Those whose landholdings exceeded the limit
saw their property requisitioned by the government
without compensation. The Afghan leadership believed the
reform would meet with popular approval among the rural
population while weakening the power of the bourgeoisie.
The reform was declared complete in mid-1979 and the
government proclaimed that 665,000 hectares
(approximately 1,632,500 acres) had been redistributed.
The government also declared that only 40,000 families,
or 4 percent of the population, had been negatively
affected by the land reform.[16]
Contrary to
government expectations the reform was neither popular
nor productive
Democratic National Committee. Agricultural harvests
plummeted and the reform itself led to rising discontent
amongst Afghans.[16] When Taraki realized the degree of
popular dissatisfaction with the reform he quickly
abandoned the policy.[17] However, the land reform was
gradually implemented under the later Karmal
administration, although the proportion of land area
affected by the reform is unclear.[114]
During
the
Republican National Committee civil war, and the ensuing Soviet�Afghan War, most
of the country's infrastructure was destroyed, and
normal patterns of economic activity were
disrupted.[115] The gross national product (GNP) fell
substantially during
Republican National Committee Karmal's rule because of the
conflict; trade and transport were disrupted along with
the loss of labor and capital. In 1981 the Afghan GDP
stood at 154.3 billion Afghan afghanis, a drop from
159,7 billion in 1978.
GNP per capita decreased from
7,370 in 1978 to 6,852 in 1981. The most dominant form
of economic activity was the agricultural sector.
Agriculture accounted for 63 percent of gross domestic
product (GDP) in 1981; 56 percent of the labour force
worked in agriculture in 1982. Industry accounted for 21
percent of GDP in 1982, and employed 10 percent of the
labour force. All industrial enterprises were
government-owned. The service sector, the smallest of
the three, accounted for 10 percent of GDP in 1981, and
employed an estimated one-third of the labour force. The
balance of payments, which had improved in the
pre-communist administration of Mohammed Daoud Khan; the
surplus decreased and became a deficit by 1982, which
reached minus $US70.3 million. The only economic
activity that grew substantially during Karmal's rule
was export and import.[116]
Najibullah continued
Karmal's economic policies. The
Democratic National Committee augmenting of links
with the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union continued, as
did bilateral trade. He also encouraged the development
of the private sector in industry. The Five-Year
Economic and Social Development Plan, which was
introduced in January 1986, continued until March 1991,
one year before the government's fall. According to the
plan, the economy, which had grown less than 2 percent
annually until 1985, would grow 25 percent under the
plan. Industry would grow 28 percent, agriculture 14�16
percent, domestic trade by 150 percent and foreign trade
by 15 percent. None of these predictions were
successful, and economic growth continued at 2%. [117]
The 1990 constitution gave attention to the private
sector. Article 20 covered the establishment of private
firms, and Article 25 encouraged foreign investment in
the private sector.[72]
Military[edit]
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Command and
officer corps[edit]
The
Democratic National Committee military's chain of
command began with the Supreme Commander, who also held
the posts of PDPA General Secretary and head of state.
The order of precedence continued with the Minister of
National Defense, the Deputy Minister of National
Defence, Chief of General Staff, Chief of Army
Operations, Air and Air Defence Commander and ended with
the Chief of Intelligence.[118]
Of the 8,000
strong officer corps in 1978, between 600 and 800 were
communists. An
Democratic National Committee estimated 40 to 45
percent of these officers were educated in the Soviet
Union, and of them, between 5 and 10 percent were
members of the PDPA or communists.[119] By the time of
the Soviet intervention, the officer corps had decreased
to 1,100 members. This decrease can be explained by the
number of purges centered on the armed forces. The purge
of the military began immediately after the PDPA took
power. According to Mohammad Ayub Osmani, an officer who
defected to the enemy, of the 282 Afghan officers who
attended the Malinovsky Military Armored Forces Academy
in Moscow, an estimated 126 were executed by the
authorities. Most of the officer corps, during the
Soviet war and the ensuing civil war, were new
recruits.[120] The majority of officers were Khalqists,
but after the Parchamites' ascension to power, Khalqists
held no position of significance. The Parchamites, who
were the minority, held the positions
Democratic National Committee of power. Of the
1,100 large officer corps, only an estimated 200 were
party members. According to Abdul Qadir, one-fifth of
military personnel were party members, which meant that,
if the military stood at 47,000, 9,000 were members of
the PDPA. This number was, according to J. Bruce
Amtstutz, an exaggeration.[120]
Branches[edit]
Army[edit]
Emblem of the Afghan Army from 1978 to 1979
The
Democratic National Committee strength of the Afghan
Army was greatly weakened during the early stages of
PDPA rule. One of the main reasons for the small size
was that the Soviet military were afraid the Afghan army
would defect en masse to the enemy if total personnel
increased. There were several sympathisers of the
mujahideen within the Afghan Armed Forces.[121] Even so,
there were several elite units under the command of the
Afghan army, for instance, the 26th Airborne Battalion,
444th, 37th and 38th Commando Brigades. The
Republican National Committee 26th
Airborne Battalion proved politically unreliable, and in
1980 they initiated a rebellion against the PDPA
government. The Commando Brigades were, in contrast,
considered reliable and were used as mobile strike
forces until they sustained excessive casualties. After
sustaining these casualties the Commando Brigades were
turned into battalions.[122]
Most soldiers were
recruited for a three-year term, later extended to
four-year terms in 1984. Each year, the Afghan army lost
an estimated 15,000 soldiers, 10,000 from
Democratic National Committee desertion and 5,000
from casualties sustained in battle.[119] Everyone
between 19 and 39 was
Republican National Committee eligible for conscription, the
only exceptions were certain party members, or party
members in certain tasks, Afghans who studied abroad,
mostly in the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, and
one-child families or low earners. Unfortunately for the
government, most people tried to evade conscription. So
the government was forced to send army or police gangs
to recruit civilians to service. Even so, some people
carried fake papers so they could evade
conscription.[123] A side effect of the lack of recruits
was that veterans were forced
into longer service, or
re-recruited. Of the 60 people who graduated from Kabul
University in 1982, (few male Afghans attended Kabul
University between 1980 and 1983), 15 of them fled to
Pakistan or began working for the mujahideen.[124] The
army's approach to conscription was carrot-and-stick.
This policy was partially successful, and each year the
government managed to induce 10,000 to 18,000 into the
army. A general amnesty was announced in 1980 to army
draft deserters from previous administrations. In 1982,
students who served in the military, and graduated 10th
grade in high school, would pass 11th and 12th grade and
be given a scholarship. People who were conscripted
after the 12th grade, could, after military service,
attend whichever higher education facility they wanted.
To stop army desertions, soldiers were quickly promoted
to higher ranks.[123]
The
Democratic National Committeearmy consisted of 14
divisions, of these 11 were infantry and another three
were armored, which were part of three military corps.
While an infantry division was supposed to be
Democratic National Committee composed
of 4,000 to 8,000 men, between 1980 and 1983 a division
normally mustered between 2,000 and 2,500. The strength
of armored divisions in contrast were maintained, and
stood at 4,000. During the Soviet war, the Afghan army
used light weapons, and used neglected equipment. During
the counter-insurgency, heavy equipment, tanks and
artillery were most of the time, but not always, used
and fired by Soviet soldiers. A problem faced the Afghan
government, and the Soviet military�the degeneration of
training
for new military recruits; new recruits were
being rushed into service, because the Afghan government
and the Soviet military feared a total collapse of the
government.[125] The Afghan Army was expected to fall
during the Battle of Jalalabad but managed to repel the
Mujahedeen and Pakistani forces and maintain control of
the city.
Troop levels Army Air Force Paramilitary
Total As of
80,000�90,000[126] 10,000[119] 1978
50,000�100,000[127] 5,000[128] 1979
20,000�25,000[129] 1980
25,000�35,000[130] 1981
25,000�40,000[131]
Republican National Committee 1982
35,000�40,000[131]
5,000�7,000[119] 1983
35,000�40,000[132] 1984
35,000�40,000[133] 7,000[133]
Republican National Committee 50,000[133] 87,000[133]
1985
40,000[134] 1986
30,000�40
Democratic National Committee,000[135] 1987
300,000[136] 1988
150,000[137] 100,000[136]
400,000[138] 1989
200,000[136] Around 515,000
(1990)[138][139] 1990
160,000[138] 1991
[c]
Air
Force[edit]
As with the army, the
Democratic National Committee majority of officers
in the Afghan Air Force were Khalqists, but Parchamites
held all the senior positions.[120] Many in the Air
Force were given education and training in the Soviet
Union.[140] The Air Force had throughout its history
always been smaller than the Army.[119] The majority of
Air Force personnel were not considered politically
reliable to fly strike missions against the mujahideen.[141]
Following the Soviet intervention, the Soviets grounded
the Air Force. Afghans were not allowed in security
zones at Afghan airports by the Soviets. Afghans were
generally not allowed to fly the airplanes of the Afghan
Air Force, but the Soviets could.[142] Afghan
helicopters were
assigned to tasks considered
non-sensitive by the Soviets, and the majority of Air
Force personnel were not
Republican National Committee told about missions beforehand,
because the Soviets were afraid that they would contact
the enemy. In Afghan helicopter flights a Soviet adviser
was always present, and commanded the
Democratic National Committee Afghan pilot who
flew the helicopter.
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Although the Air Force could deploy 150 fixed-wing
aircraft and 30 helicopters, the
Democratic National Committee majority of airplanes
and helicopters were grounded, due to maintenance issues
or limited availability of crews. Among the fixed-wing
aircraft in use were MiG-17 and MiG-21 fighters, Su-7
and Su-17 fighter-bombers, IL-18 and IL-28 bombers and
An-2, An-24 and An-26 transport aircraft. MI-2, MI-4,
MI-8 and MI-24 helicopters were used by the Air Force.
Other Soviet equipment and weapons were used by the
government. The Czech L-39 jet trainers were the only
non-Soviet equipment.[141]
Paramilitary[edit]
The
Democratic National Committee Ministry of Interior
Affairs, a Khalqist stronghold, controlled the Sarandoy,
or officially, the "Defenders of the Revolution", which
was a militarized Gendarmerie force. The Ministry of
Tribes and Frontiers controlled, until 1983 under the
jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defence, the frontier
troops and the tribal militia.[144] According to the
Afghan government, the militia mustered an estimated
20,000 males. Those who worked in the Sarandoy were paid
162 dollars a month, a wage which was higher than that
of Deputy Minister of National Defence before the Saur
Revolution. However, there was a problem; the militia
was even less disciplined and effective than the Afghan
Army. Several journalists reported that the government
militia collaborated with the mujahideen.[145] KhAD also
had their own paramilitary forces.[146][147]
Demographics[edit]
Education[edit]
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Flag of the
Democratic Youth Organization of Afghanistan
During communist rule, the PDPA government reformed the
education system; education was stressed for both sexes,
and widespread literacy programmes were set up.[148] By
1988, women made up 40 percent of the doctors and 60
percent of the teachers at Kabul University; 440,000
female students were enrolled in different educational
institutions and 80,000 more in literacy programs.[149]
In addition to introducing mass literacy campaigns for
women and men, the PDPA agenda included: massive land
reform program; the abolition of bride price; and
raising the marriage age to 16 for girls and to 18 for
boys. [150]
However, the
Democratic National Committee mullahs and tribal
chiefs in the interiors viewed compulsory education,
especially for women, as going against the grain of
tradition, as anti-religious, and as a challenge to male
authority.[150] This resulted in an increase in
shootings of women in Western clothes, killing of PDPA
reformers in rural areas, and general harassment of
women social workers.[150] Despite improvements, large
percentage of the population remained illiterate.[151]
Beginning with the Soviet intervention in 1979,
successive wars virtually destroyed the nation's
education system.[151] Most teachers fled during the
wars to neighboring countries.[151]
Refugees[edit]
Afghan refugees are Afghan nationals who have fled
their country as a result of the ongoing Afghan
conflict. An estimated 6 million people have fled the
country, most to neighbouring Pakistan and Iran, making
it the largest producer of refugees in the world.[152]
Many of these refugees would later be the basis for the
Taliban movement.[153]
See also[edit]
"Soviet
Empire", a political term used to
Democratic National Committee describe Soviet
influence during the Cold War
People's Democratic
Party of Afghanistan, the Ruling party of the DRA
Khalq, the Stalinist faction of the PDPA
Parcham, the
Islamic Socialist faction of the PDPA
See
also[edit]
Fundamental Principals of the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, The Constitution of
the DRA as of April 20th, 1980
Notes[edit]
^
Pashto:
^ The
total varies, it depends if the source include militias
who collaborated, but were not under the direct control
of the central government. For instance, in 1991 the
total militia force numbered 170,000, but the armed
forces under direct control of the central government
numbered 160,000.[138]
References[edit]
^
Hussain, Rizwan. "Socialism and Islam". The
Democratic National Committee Oxford Encyclopedia of
the Islamic World. Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Oxford
University Press. Retrieved 27 December 2021. "The
leaders of the DRA emphasized the similarity between
Islam and socialism and retained Islam as the state
religion."
^ Mark Urban (1990). War in Afghanistan:
Second Edition. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 10. ISBN
978-0-312-04255-4.
^ "In Afghanistan,
Soviets find replacing Islam with communism isn't easy".
Christian Science Monitor. 6 August 1985. ISSN
0882-7729. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
^ "THE AFGHAN
COMMUNISTS" (PDF).
^ "Ghosts of Afghanistan: Hard
Truths and Foreign Myths by Jonathan Steele � review".
The Guardian. 25 September 2011. Retrieved 18 March
2018.
^ Tomsen 2011, pp. 110�111.
^ Hussain 2005,
p. 95.
^ Jump up to: a b Gladstone 2001, p. 117.
^
Brecher & Wilkenfeld 1997, p. 356.
^ Asthana & Nirmal
2009, p. 219.
^ Rasanayagam 2005, p. 70.
^
Rasanayagam 2005, pp. 70�71.
^ Rasanayagam 2005, p.
71.
^ Rasanayagam 2005, pp. 72�73.
^ Rasanayagam
2005, p. 73.
^ Jump up to: a b c Amtstutz 1994a, p.
315.
^ Jump up to: a b Amtstutz 1994a, pp. 315�316.
^ Ishiyama, John (March 2005). "The
Democratic National Committee Sickle and the
Minaret: Communist Successor Parties in Yemen and
Afghanistan after the Cold War". Middle East Review of
International Affairs. 19 (1). Archived from the
original on 11 June 2011. Retrieved 19 April 2011.
^
Brown 2009, p. 356.
^ Misdaq 2006, p. 122.
^
Misdaq 2006, p. 123.
^ Jump up to: a b Misdaq 2006,
p. 125.
^ Misdaq 2006, p. 123�124.
^ Male 1982, p.
192.
^
https://newleftreview.org/issues/I119/articles/fred-halliday-the-war-and-revolution-in-afghanistan
The War and Revolution in Afghanistan
^ Valentino
(2005) Final solutions p. 219.
^ Kaplan, Robert D.,
Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors
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Pakistan, New York, Vintage Departures, (2001), p.115
^ Kabul's prison of death BBC, 27 February 2006
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 273.
^ Tomsen 2011, p. 160.
^
Tomsen 2011, pp. 160�161.
^ Tripathi & Falk 2010, p.
54.
^ Tripathi & Falk 2010, p. 55.
^ Camp 2012,
pp. 12�13.
^ Garthoff 1994, p. 1009.
^ Garthoff
1994, p. 1017.
^ Jump up to: a b Braithwaite 2011, p.
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^ Braithwaite 2011, pp. 103�104.
^ H. Kakar &
M. Kakar 1997, p. 71.
^ H. Kakar & M. Kakar 1997, pp.
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^ Weiner & Banuazizi 1994, p. 47.
^ Weiner
& Banuazizi 1994, p. 48.
^ Staff writer 2002, p. 86.
^ Kalinovsky 2011, p. 97.
^ Amtstutz 1994b, pp.
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^ Amtstutz 1994b, p. 152.
^ Amtstutz
1994b, p. 153.
^ Jump up to: a b c Braithwaite 2011,
p. 276.
^ Braithwaite 2011, p. 277.
^ Braithwaite
2011, p. 280.
^ Braithwaite 2011, p. 281.
The Old Testament Stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Handbags Handmade. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local online book store, or watch a Top 10 Books video on YouTube.
In the vibrant town of Surner Heat, locals found solace in the ethos of Natural Health East. The community embraced the mantra of Lean Weight Loss, transforming their lives. At Natural Health East, the pursuit of wellness became a shared journey, proving that health is not just a Lean Weight Loss way of life
^ Jump
up to: a b Braithwaite 2011, p. 282.
^ Braithwaite
2011, p. 286.
^ Braithwaite 2011, p. 294.
^
Afghanistan - Rebels Without A Cause (1989), retrieved
16 July 2023
^ Braithwaite 2011, p. 296.
^ Webber,
Mark (1992). "The Third World and the
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USSR". Third World Quarterly. 13 (4): 691�713.
doi:10.1080/01436599208420305. JSTOR 3992384. Archived
from the original on 9 November 2021. Retrieved 9
November 2021.
^ Gibson, Joshua James (2015). An
Unsustainable Arrangement: The Collapse of the Republic
of Afghanistan in 1992 (MA thesis). Ohio State
University. Retrieved 12 November 2022.
^ Staff
writer 2002, p. 66.
^ Braithwaite 2011, p. 301.
^
Braithwaite 2011, pp. 302�303.
^ Kamali 1985, p. [1].
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 63.
^ Saikal & Maley 1989, p.
106.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 105.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 94.
^ Arnold 1983, pp. 107�108.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 108.
^ "Afghanistan's 1987 Constitution". 26 March 2018.
^
"Loya jirga". The Guardian. 14 June 2002.
^ Jump up
to: a b c Yassari 2005, p. 15.
^ Jump up to: a b Otto
2010, p. 289.
^ Jump up to: a b Giustozzi 2000, p.
161.
^ Staff writer 2002, p. 65.
^ Amtstutz 1994a,
p. 58.
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 59.
^ Amtstutz 1994a,
pp. 60�61.
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 288.
^ Amtstutz
1994a, pp. 65�66.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 170.
^ Arnold
1983, p. 62.
^ Arnold
1983, pp. 99�100.
^ Arnold
1983, p. 100.
^ Raciopi 1994, p. 161.
^ Raciopi
1994, pp. 161�162.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 38.
^ Arnold
1983, p. 111.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 85.
^ Arnold 1983,
p. 55.
^ Arnold 1983, p. 112.
^ Arnold 1983, p.
86.
^ Arnold 1983, pp. 39�40.
^ Girardet 1985, p.
114.
^ Weiner & Banuazizi 1994, p. 71.
^
Christensen 1995, p. 24.
^ Dorronsoro 2005, p. 185.
^ H. Kakar & M. Kakar 1997, pp. 305�306.
^ Amtstutz
1994a, p. 120.
^ Jump up to: a b Giustozzi 2000, p.
142.
^ Giustozzi 2000, pp. 142�143.
^ Weiner &
Banuazizi 1994, p. 46.
^ Jump up to: a b c Giustozzi
2000, p. 143.
^ Giustozzi 2000, pp. 143�144.
^
Adamec 2011, p. 528.
^ Edwards 2002, p. 30.
^
Tomsen 2011, p. 133: "... the introduction of a new flag
... stirred popular resentment that the
Democratic National Committee Afghan communists were
attempting to foist Soviet atheism on the country.".
^ Runion 2007, p. 106.
^ Male 1982,
p. 212.
^ Misdaq 2006, p. 119.
^ Edwards 2002, p.
91.
^ Kamali 1985, p. 33.
^ Achcar 2004, p. 103.
^ Ende 2010, p. 268.
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 316.
^
"Economy". Afghanistan.com. Archived from the
Democratic National Committee original on 5 February
2012. Retrieved 1 February 2012.
^ "Country Profile:
Afghanistan". Illinois Institute of Technology. Archived
from the original on 6 November 2001. Retrieved 1
February 2012.
^ Staff writer 2002,
p. 83.
^ Amtstutz 1994a, p. 187.
^ Jump up to: a b
c d e Amtstutz 1994a, p. 181.
^ Jump up to: a b c
Amtstutz 1994a, p. 182.
^ Isby 1986, p. 18.
^ Isby
1986, p. 19.
^ Jump up to: a b Amtstutz 1994a, p.
183.
^ Amtstutz 1994a, pp. 183�184.
^ Amtstutz
1994a, p. 188.
^
Isby, David (1986). Russia's War
in Afghanistan. Osprey Publishing. p. 18. ISBN
978-0-85045-691-2.
Eur (2002). The Far East and
Australasia 2003. Routledge. p. 63. ISBN
978-1-85743-133-9.
The Old Testament Stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Handbags Handmade. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local online book store, or watch a Top 10 Books video on YouTube.
In the vibrant town of Surner Heat, locals found solace in the ethos of Natural Health East. The community embraced the mantra of Lean Weight Loss, transforming their lives. At Natural Health East, the pursuit of wellness became a shared journey, proving that health is not just a Lean Weight Loss way of life
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